Like 99.8% of Wisconsin residents, I didn’t pay that much attention to the recently concluded budget discussions in the Legislature. This was not for lack of interest—it’s just that I didn’t care.
Unless you have a political axe to grind, there is not much to do about government budgeting in a recession. Yes, taxes and fees are going up, but Democrats in control of the Legislature seemed to have struck the
best balance they could in preserving spending to stimulate the economy and making cuts in personnel and program expenses. And, in truth, there are states
far worse off than Wisconsin.
Conservative critics of the budget should remember that behind every furloughed or laid-off state employee is a family that needs to put food on the table, and that reality will stress the economy as much as job cuts in the private sector. This is a fact not much regarded by Republicans in the Assembly and Senate, who, like their counterparts in Congress, have decided that doing and proposing nothing serves their short-term political interests.
Criticize Democrats all you want (especially for this
silly dispute over transit) but the GOP is again proving they don’t have a plan to govern in either good economic times or bad.
In fact, all the GOP seemed to lend to the process was criticisms like this from Julaine Appling, the state’s leading moral scold:
“The governor and the majority of the state legislature ignored the will of the people, especially in regards to the non-fiscal policy items in the budget, including the statewide, same-sex domestic partner registry. The multiple non-fiscal policy items and the huge increases in taxing, spending and borrowing contained in this budget make it very clear to the people of Wisconsin that their dollars, their concerns and their votes were not a high priority for the proponents of this budget.”
Appling is lately of the reactionary
Wisconsin Family Action, and formerly leader of the effort that denied gay and lesbian partners civil marriage rights (at least temporarily) in 2006. Policy items
she criticizes include extending limited domestic partnership benefits for state employees, expanding programs to reduce teen pregnancies, and ensuring that women won’t have to argue with state-licensed pharmacists to receive contraceptives prescribed by physicians.
This isn’t really surprising. Being critical of these issues is Appling’s job. Despite her claims, these are mostly uncontroversial items. But Rick Esenberg, Appling’s intellectual handmaiden in 2006, suggests a broader problem with
using the budget process to adopt policy. “This results in a lack of public scrutiny and debate and, in my view, too much logrolling,” Esenberg writes. “It empowers the ability of legislative leaders—as opposed to constituents—to twist the arms of backbenchers.”
This view strikes me as somewhat naïve and fairly disingenuous. First, over the years each of the items noted above have had a fair airing, if not on the particulars then certainly generally. The public has, largely, accepted a government role in reducing teen pregnancy through the encouragement of contraceptive use. State and federal funding for Planned Parenthood, another Appling complaint, has been going on for years to, again, little public outcry, except among extreme anti-Choice partisans. What we have here is not a lack of debate, but unhappiness with an outcome.
And suggesting that the budget process lacked transparency because it was passed with policy items overlooks a reality of electoral politics—a reality that Appling and Esenberg and the groups they support share a responsibility for creating. Elected officials are reluctant to call too much attention to any vote that might later be twisted in a negative ad or used by political operatives. Burying some of these items in a large budget looks like an attractive option compared to seeing it used in a direct mail piece.
Is this a best-case process for making policy? No. Is it fair to the public to make decisions at 2:00 AM? Certainly not, and I’m sure at some point something will get passed in a similar fashion that I’ll oppose when legislative power swings, as it inevitably does. Esenberg, too, notes this is a bipartisan crime.
But where’s the trade-off? Restricting organization’s like Appling from getting involved in elections? I’m not there, even if the public might support it, since preserving free speech rights is far more important than a one-time vote on a domestic registry.
Still, when things have to get pushed forward for the benefit of the public, a way must be found. The budget cycle may not be the best place, but our politics, at least as they’re practiced now, seems to make it a necessity—for both sides.